TY - JOUR
T1 - Direct-access retrieval during sentence comprehension
T2 - Evidence from Sluicing
AU - Martin, Andrea E.
AU - McElree, Brian
N1 - Funding Information:
We thank Anika Vellore for assistance with data collection. We thank Greg Murphy, Liina Pylkkänen, Bob Rehder, and Mante Nieuwland for comments on an earlier version of this work. This research was supported by a National Institutes of Health Grant ( R01-HD056200 ) awarded to BM and a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship (2006025605) awarded to AEM.
PY - 2011/5
Y1 - 2011/5
N2 - Language comprehension requires recovering meaning from linguistic form, even when the mapping between the two is indirect. A canonical example is ellipsis, the omission of information that is subsequently understood without being overtly pronounced. Comprehension of ellipsis requires retrieval of an antecedent from memory, without prior prediction, a property which enables the study of retrieval in situ (Martin & McElree, 2008, 2009). Sluicing, or inflectional-phrase ellipsis, in the presence of a conjunction, presents a test case where a competing antecedent position is syntactically licensed, in contrast with most cases of nonadjacent dependency, including verb-phrase ellipsis. We present speed-accuracy tradeoff and eye-movement data inconsistent with the hypothesis that retrieval is accomplished via a syntactically guided search, a particular variant of search not examined in past research. The observed timecourse profiles are consistent with the hypothesis that antecedents are retrieved via a cue-dependent direct-access mechanism susceptible to general memory variables.
AB - Language comprehension requires recovering meaning from linguistic form, even when the mapping between the two is indirect. A canonical example is ellipsis, the omission of information that is subsequently understood without being overtly pronounced. Comprehension of ellipsis requires retrieval of an antecedent from memory, without prior prediction, a property which enables the study of retrieval in situ (Martin & McElree, 2008, 2009). Sluicing, or inflectional-phrase ellipsis, in the presence of a conjunction, presents a test case where a competing antecedent position is syntactically licensed, in contrast with most cases of nonadjacent dependency, including verb-phrase ellipsis. We present speed-accuracy tradeoff and eye-movement data inconsistent with the hypothesis that retrieval is accomplished via a syntactically guided search, a particular variant of search not examined in past research. The observed timecourse profiles are consistent with the hypothesis that antecedents are retrieved via a cue-dependent direct-access mechanism susceptible to general memory variables.
KW - Ellipsis
KW - Recency
KW - Retrieval interference
KW - Sentence processing
KW - Serial position
KW - Sluicing
KW - Speed-accuracy tradeoff
UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?scp=79953219015&partnerID=8YFLogxK
UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/citedby.url?scp=79953219015&partnerID=8YFLogxK
U2 - 10.1016/j.jml.2010.12.006
DO - 10.1016/j.jml.2010.12.006
M3 - Article
AN - SCOPUS:79953219015
SN - 0749-596X
VL - 64
SP - 327
EP - 343
JO - Journal of Memory and Language
JF - Journal of Memory and Language
IS - 4
ER -