Abstract
Do inputs need to be restricted on a language-specific basis? Classic Optimality Theory claims that they do not: the rich base is filtered by constraints that yield full contrast, complementary distributions or positional neutralisation depending on the ranking. The problem arises when positional neutralisation affects a gappy contrast. In Russian, voicing neutralisation works on all obstruents alike, including non-contrastively voiceless ones - but it creates voiced allophones that are otherwise disallowed. In the popular OT account of positional neutralisation, analysing these cases requires handling voicing twice: once for all segments, then again for gaps. I argue that the solution is to relax the rich base assumption by ruling gaps out at the UR level through morpheme structure constraints (Halle 1959 et seq.).
Original language | English (US) |
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Pages (from-to) | 229-265 |
Number of pages | 37 |
Journal | Phonology |
Volume | 40 |
Issue number | 3-4 |
DOIs | |
State | Published - Aug 1 2023 |
Keywords
- inventory gaps
- morpheme structure constraints
- Optimality Theory
- positional faithfulness
- voicing assimilation
ASJC Scopus subject areas
- Language and Linguistics
- Linguistics and Language