TY - JOUR
T1 - Sensitivity of Children's Inflection to Grammatical Structure
AU - Kim, John J.
AU - Marcus, Gary F.
AU - Pinker, Steven
AU - Hollander, Michelle
AU - Coppola, Marie
N1 - Funding Information:
[•] We would like to thank Sandeep Prasada, Annie Senghas, Fei Xu and two anonymous reviewers for helpful suggestions. We would also like to thank the Bowen After School Care Program, Inc. in Newton Center, Bright Horizons Children's Center in Boston, Bright Horizons Children's Center in Kendall Square, Children's Village in Cambridge, the Dandelion School in Cambridge, and the Lotus Children's Center in Cambridge, the MIT Summer Day Camp, and the Newton-Wellesley Children's Corner in Newton Lower Falls for participating in our studies. This research was supported by NIH Grant HD 18381 and NSF Grant BNS 91-09766 to Steven Pinker. The first and second authors were supported by NDSEG Fellowships. Address for correspondence: John J. Kim, Institute for Research in Cognitive Science, University of Pennsylvania, 3401 Walnut Street, Room 407c, Philadelphia, PA 19104-6228, USA.
PY - 1994/2
Y1 - 1994/2
N2 - What is the input to the mental system that computes inflected forms like walked, came, dogs y and men? ? Recent connectionist models feed a word's phonological features into a single network, allowing it to generalize both regular and irregular phonological patterns, like stop-stopped, step-stepped and fling-flung, cling-clung. But for adults, phonological input is insufficient: verbs derived from nouns like ring the city always have regular past tense forms {ringed), even if they are phonologically identical to irregular verbs {ring the bell). Similarly, nouns based on names, like two Mickey Mouses, and compounds based on possessing rather than being their root morpheme, such as two saber-tooths, take regular plurals, even when they are homophonous with irregular nouns like mice and teeth. In four experiments, testing 70 three- to ten-year-old children, we found that children are sensitive to such nonphonological information: they were more likely to produce regular inflected forms for forms like to ring (‘to put a ring on’) and snaggletooth (a kind of animal doll with big teeth) than for their homophonous irregular counterparts, even when these counterparts.
AB - What is the input to the mental system that computes inflected forms like walked, came, dogs y and men? ? Recent connectionist models feed a word's phonological features into a single network, allowing it to generalize both regular and irregular phonological patterns, like stop-stopped, step-stepped and fling-flung, cling-clung. But for adults, phonological input is insufficient: verbs derived from nouns like ring the city always have regular past tense forms {ringed), even if they are phonologically identical to irregular verbs {ring the bell). Similarly, nouns based on names, like two Mickey Mouses, and compounds based on possessing rather than being their root morpheme, such as two saber-tooths, take regular plurals, even when they are homophonous with irregular nouns like mice and teeth. In four experiments, testing 70 three- to ten-year-old children, we found that children are sensitive to such nonphonological information: they were more likely to produce regular inflected forms for forms like to ring (‘to put a ring on’) and snaggletooth (a kind of animal doll with big teeth) than for their homophonous irregular counterparts, even when these counterparts.
UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/record.url?scp=0028373304&partnerID=8YFLogxK
UR - http://www.scopus.com/inward/citedby.url?scp=0028373304&partnerID=8YFLogxK
U2 - 10.1017/S0305000900008710
DO - 10.1017/S0305000900008710
M3 - Article
C2 - 8006091
AN - SCOPUS:0028373304
SN - 0305-0009
VL - 21
SP - 173
EP - 209
JO - Journal of child language
JF - Journal of child language
IS - 1
ER -